The Black Line (Línea Negra), known by the indigenous people who live there as Sé shizha, is the system of sacred spaces that delineates the ancestral territory of the Arhuaco, Kankuamo, Kogui and Wiwa peoples in the Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta mountain range in Northern Colombia.
For these peoples, it constitutes not merely a geographical boundary, but a spiritual network comprising ceremonial sites, places for ritual offerings or pagamentos, ancestral connection, and the maintenance of global equilibrium in accordance with the Law of Origin – a set of spiritual, cultural and normative principles that, indigenous peoples believe guide the relationship between individuals, nature, the land and communal life.
Recently however, concerns have arisen regarding the rights of these communities to have a say in the governance of these sites, with traditional authorities in Aracataca, Ciénaga and Santa Marta in Magdalena Department asserting that they were never convened or genuinely and effectively involved in decision-making processes related to the protection of the Black Line.
Decree 0514, issued on 19 May and signed by President Gustavo Petro, redefines and legally reinforces the protection of the ancestral territory, superseding previous provisions set forth in Decree 1500 of 2018. The concerns raised by traditional authorities relate to freedom of religion or belief in that the new decree places many of the sacred sites under the representational and decision-making frameworks of organisations based primarily in the departments of Cesar and La Guajira. This decision ignores the historical, territorial and spiritual relationship that Kogui authorities from Magdalena have maintained for generations.
For ancestral authorities, sacred sites are not merely physical locations, but rather spaces for spiritual connection, ritual offerings (pagamentos), the transmission of ancestral knowledge, and the maintenance of natural and cultural equilibrium. Consequently, the exclusion of traditional authorities from decisions concerning these territories has direct implications for the practice of indigenous spirituality and freedom of belief.
The traditional Kogui authorities Kutshabitaboya Sa Tuxe Kualdintana, the highest governing and decision-making body of the Kogui people of Magdalena, and the Muñkuawinmaku, the Association of Traditional Kogui Authorities of Magdalena, also contend that the new decree perpetuates a model of indigenous representation concentrated exclusively within the organisations that comprise the Territorial Council of Cabildos (CTC).1 Other ancestral authorities and indigenous organisations belonging to various peoples of the Sierra Nevada are excluded.
However, indigenous authorities including Kogui Governor Atanasio Moscote have pointed out that other organisations and autonomous processes also exist, including sectors of the Kogui and Wiwa peoples, that are not part of the CTC and were not effectively invited to the prior consultation processes related to the new decree. These authorities assert that this situation reflects a historical problem within consultation processes affecting indigenous population in Colombia, where internal minorities, dissenting voices, or communities holding different religious and spiritual positions are frequently overlooked in official participatory spaces.
Muñkuawinmaku and the Kutshabitaboya Sa Tuxe Kualdintana represent sectors of the Kogui people whose spiritual, religious and organisational stances differ from those promoted by dominant structures within the CTC. The origins of Muñkuawinmaku, specifically, date back to 2006, when indigenous Christians who had been forcibly displaced due to their religious beliefs and who were denouncing discrimination and exclusion within certain indigenous councils began to develop their own social projects.
At the same time, they began to seek political independence from organisations such as the Gonawindúa Tayrona Organisation (OGT), the official indigenous authority in the Sierra Nevava which, they say, legitimised segregationist practices affecting indigenous Christians and those holding other beliefs.
Over time, the movement expanded from participation by Christian indigenous people to include those of other religious beliefs, including those who follow the traditional pre-Hispanic belief system. Various mamos, indigenous spiritual leaders, and ancestral spiritual authorities joined the movement, expressing that they did not feel represented by the dominant indigenous organisational structures recognised by the Colombian government.
According to Governor Moscote, many of these spiritual authorities sought to return to ancestral traditions centered on spirituality and the Law of Origin, ‘when everything was spirit’. These authorities were interested in finding spaces for dialogue and coexistence with Christian indigenous communities who demanded that their right to freedom of religion or belief and freedom of conscience be respected.
The Kutshabitaboya Sa Tuxe Kualdintana and the Muñkuawinmaku obtained formal legal recognition from the Colombian government as indigenous authorities in 2024. Because they did not yet possess this official recognition from the Ministry of the Interior at the time the previous decree, 1500 of 2018, was issued, they were not formally invited to participate in the process. However, they have now begun to publicly denounce the adverse effects stemming from this model of representation.
For indigenous pastor Juan Carlos Gil Nakogui, ‘If these organisations are neither recognised nor invited by the state to participate in prior consultation processes, significant sectors of the Kogui people, including those holding distinct religious beliefs, different spiritual interpretations, or divergent political positions, will continue to be excluded from decisions regarding their ancestral territories and sacred sites.’
The concerns raised by Muñkuawinmaku and the Kutshabitaboya Sa Tuxe Kualdintana point to a broader challenge facing indigenous governance and consultation processes in Colombia: how to ensure that internal diversity is genuinely represented. Indigenous peoples are not monolithic, and consultation mechanisms should be capable of reflecting the plurality of spiritual, religious and organisational perspectives that exist within indigenous communities.
As discussions surrounding the implementation of Decree 0514 continue, an important question remains whether future consultation and governance processes related to the Black Line will create meaningful opportunities for the participation of all ancestral authorities, including those outside the structures currently recognised as representative. Addressing these concerns could contribute not only to stronger indigenous self-governance, but also to the protection of freedom of religion or belief, freedom of conscience, and the rights of indigenous minorities whose voices have historically been overlooked.
The Colombian government must therefore ensure that future consultation processes concerning the Black Line are inclusive, transparent and representative of the full diversity of indigenous communities affected by such decisions. Particular attention should be given to the participation of ancestral authorities, indigenous minorities and communities holding different religious or spiritual beliefs, so that the protection of sacred territories does not come at the expense of the rights and voices of those who have historically been excluded from decision-making processes.
By CSW’s Deputy Team Leader for Latin America
- Historically, the CTC has been composed of four organisations: the Tayrona Indigenous Confederation (CIT), the Gonawindúa Tayrona Organisation (OGT), the Wiwa Yugumaiun Bunkuanarrua Tayrona Organisation (OWYBT), and the Kankuama Indigenous Organisation (OIK). ↩︎