What’s at stake in Nepal’s general election: An interview with a pastor and human rights defender

As Nepal prepares to head to the polls on 5 March, the nation finds itself at a profound crossroads. This general election follows a period of significant political upheaval, including the youth-led protests of 2025 that led to the dissolution of the previous government and the appointment of an interim cabinet. For the approximately 18.9 million registered voters, the stakes extend far beyond economic stability or infrastructure; they touch upon the very identity of the nation.

The following Q&A conducted with Pastor Tanka Subedi, a human rights defender and entrepreneur based in Kathmandu, explores the intricate intersection of religion or belief and politics, examining how the upcoming vote might reshape every Nepali’s right to freedom of religion or belief (FoRB).


For readers outside Nepal, how would you describe the country’s religious mix today?

In general, people in Nepal coexist relatively peacefully with followers of other religions, provided that members of their own family or close community are not perceived to be converting. Tensions may arise when organised groups or individuals mobilise sentiment against another religion. Many Hindus consider Buddhists, Kirat, and Masto traditions as part of the broader Hindu cultural framework, and adherents of these traditions often accept this understanding. Islam is largely tolerated within society. Christianity, however, is frequently perceived as a foreign religion, which contributes to social suspicion and sensitivity around its growth.

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‘Conscience is not the business of the state’: India’s anti-conversion legislation has turned suspicion into the default posture of the law

In today’s India, the term ‘conversion’ carries a weight far heavier than its dictionary definition. It is invoked with suspicion, folded into political rhetoric, and increasingly framed as a threat to social stability. Yet conversion, at its core, is simply a change of belief, an act that is rooted in conscience. In any democracy, this should not be controversial. It should be protected without hesitation.

As India marked 77 years as a Republic last month, the moment invites more than celebration – it calls for reflection. How did a constitutional democracy that explicitly guaranteed freedom of conscience arrive at a point where changing one’s religion is so often treated as inherently suspect?

Conversion is not a transaction. It cannot be reduced to paperwork, nor can it be meaningfully regulated by administrative oversight. It is an individual’s decision, deeply personal and shaped by experience, reflection and choice – and sometimes by profound personal transformation.

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The inevitable result of Myanmar’s sham elections must not confer any legitimacy on its military regime 

On 28 December Myanmar will begin its first general elections since its military junta seized power in a coup in February 2021. 

Of course, these elections will be neither free nor fair. They will take place against a backdrop of the continued detention of at least 22,000 political prisoners, including the country’s last freely elected leader Aung San Suu Kyi, the deregistration of numerous political parties by the military-controlled Union Election Commission (UEC), and the relentless killing of civilians. 

The outcome is guaranteed, but this can by no means be permitted to grant the regime a veneer of legitimacy on the international stage, and specifically among its neighbours in the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) where it seeks it most. 

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Even in death, Christians in India’s tribal communities are denied their rights and dignity

On 5 November the family of Gajendra Sahu, whose name has been changed for security reasons, attempted to bury him in his ancestral village of Kodekhursi, in Kanker District, in India’s Chhattisgarh State.

Gajendra had converted to Christianity three years previously. He had also given up drinking after years of alcohol addiction, but sadly passed away following a prolonged period of ill-health caused by it.

His relatives should have been permitted to lay him to rest in peace, however, because of his conversion to Christianity, residents of Kodekhursi refused to permit his burial within village boundaries, and even on his family’s own plot. Repeated requests for intervention from the authorities proved unsuccessful, and the family was ultimately forced to travel close to 200km – with a police escort – to the state capital Raipur where they were finally able to conduct a dignified funeral service in a Christian cemetery.

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Vietnam’s government restructuring: Streamlining or strongarming?

In April this year the Vietnamese government formally introduced sweeping reforms during the 11th Plenum of the 13th Party Central Committee. The meeting laid the groundwork for the restructuring plan, which was later affirmed at the first Congress of the Government Party Organisation for the 2025–2030 tenure held on 13 October. 

At the April plenum, Party General Secretary Tô Lâm described the reforms as part of a long-term vision for national development, stating: ‘The restructure is a strategic decision without precedent, aimed at ensuring fast, stable, and sustainable national development, and at better serving the lives of the people.’ 

The reforms have been hailed by officials as a bold step toward modernisation and efficiency, but behind the rhetoric of ‘streamlining’, human rights advocates warn that these changes may deepen state control, restrict freedoms further, and marginalise vulnerable communities—most of whom are ethnic and religious minorities. 

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