Whether as president or army chief, Myanmar’s Min Aung Hlaing isn’t going anywhere. What are his credentials?

Earlier this month reports emerged that Myanmar’s military ruler, Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, may step down as army chief within a matter of weeks. Given the atrocities he has presided over since his military seized power in a coup in February 2021, and indeed for many years before then, on the surface one may consider that a positive development.

But Min Aung Hlaing isn’t going anywhere.

Myanmar’s 2008 constitution requires the posts of president and army chief to be held by different people, and it is only with his eyes on the former that Min Aung Hlaing would ever let go of the latter. Since July 2024 he has officially held the title of Acting President, exercising presidential duties through the National Defence and Security Council (NDSC), and at present continuing to use this to bypass the constitutional restrictions.

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What’s at stake in Nepal’s general election: An interview with a pastor and human rights defender

As Nepal prepares to head to the polls on 5 March, the nation finds itself at a profound crossroads. This general election follows a period of significant political upheaval, including the youth-led protests of 2025 that led to the dissolution of the previous government and the appointment of an interim cabinet. For the approximately 18.9 million registered voters, the stakes extend far beyond economic stability or infrastructure; they touch upon the very identity of the nation.

The following Q&A conducted with Pastor Tanka Subedi, a human rights defender and entrepreneur based in Kathmandu, explores the intricate intersection of religion or belief and politics, examining how the upcoming vote might reshape every Nepali’s right to freedom of religion or belief (FoRB).


For readers outside Nepal, how would you describe the country’s religious mix today?

In general, people in Nepal coexist relatively peacefully with followers of other religions, provided that members of their own family or close community are not perceived to be converting. Tensions may arise when organised groups or individuals mobilise sentiment against another religion. Many Hindus consider Buddhists, Kirat, and Masto traditions as part of the broader Hindu cultural framework, and adherents of these traditions often accept this understanding. Islam is largely tolerated within society. Christianity, however, is frequently perceived as a foreign religion, which contributes to social suspicion and sensitivity around its growth.

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A police attack on a place of worship is a worrying sign of the erosion of civil and political rights in Kenya

On Sunday 25 January congregants at the Anglican Church of Kenya (ACK) Witima Parish, Nyeri County, heard shots outside of the building. Some church members went outside to investigate and saw what they believed to be the police and masked assailants surrounding the premises. In addition to the firing of live rounds, teargas was thrown into the church, with images shared on social media showing congregants covering their noses and mouths, and several individuals fainting.  

Historically there has been a respect for religious institutions in Kenya, especially for Christian churches and their leadership. Political leaders have often courted the church for political advantage and sway over key voting blocks and communities. This attack contrasts starkly with this backdrop, even within the context of increasing political and security tensions that have seen an increase in police officers unlawfully invading places of worship around the country.

Responding to the 25 January attack in the press, Bishop Gerald Muriithi of the Mount Kenya West Diocese of the Anglican Church of Kenya stated: ‘As a church we feel that our right to worship was violated, little children were traumatised, aged parents were harassed, the clergy were terrified and intimidated and political leaders were harassed.’

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The inevitable result of Myanmar’s sham elections must not confer any legitimacy on its military regime 

On 28 December Myanmar will begin its first general elections since its military junta seized power in a coup in February 2021. 

Of course, these elections will be neither free nor fair. They will take place against a backdrop of the continued detention of at least 22,000 political prisoners, including the country’s last freely elected leader Aung San Suu Kyi, the deregistration of numerous political parties by the military-controlled Union Election Commission (UEC), and the relentless killing of civilians. 

The outcome is guaranteed, but this can by no means be permitted to grant the regime a veneer of legitimacy on the international stage, and specifically among its neighbours in the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) where it seeks it most. 

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A change in government in Venezuela can only benefit the religious sector

Over the past 11 years of President Nicolas Maduro’s leadership, Venezuelan religious leaders have increasingly practiced a form of self-censorship when it comes to preaching or speaking on topics like social justice, peace, poverty, or any topic that might be perceived negatively by the dictatorship. While they may appear to have imposed this censorship on themselves, it comes from a very real fear having witnessed the cruelty that President Maduro has unleashed against those he and his regime identify as political enemies.

Elections are due to be held on Sunday, 28 July. In the run up, the Maduro regime has dedicated itself to attacking the opposition and creating an environment of terror with warnings of a ‘bloodbath’ and ‘civil war’ if Maduro does not win a third six-year term. It has been heavily implied that he could refuse to recognize the victory of Edmundo González Urrutia, the most popular candidate according to several polls.

In response to Maduro’s threats, the Inter-American Court of Human Rights (IACHR) warned that ‘this type of discourse by the highest authority of the State and the security forces has the effect of intimidating and curtailing the political freedom of the electorate… These actions affect democratic institutions and the freedoms of association, assembly, and expression, as they discourage the political participation of opposition individuals, their electorate, and the general public.’

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