India’s ‘freedom of religion’ laws have nothing to do with preventing forced conversions

On 20 August India’s Uttarakhand state government introduced significant amendments to its controversial anti-conversion law. Building on the original 2018 legislation and an initial round of amendments made in 2022, the Freedom of Religion and Prohibition of Unlawful Conversion (Amendment) Bill, 2025, imposes harsher punishments on a range of offences.

Individuals convicted of using allurement, misrepresentation or fraud to induce conversion now face anywhere from three to ten years in prison and a minimum fine of 50,000 rupees (approximately GBP £420). If the case involves a minor, a woman, a person with a disability, or a member of a Scheduled Caste or Scheduled Tribe, these penalties are increased to five to 14 years in prison and a fine of at least 100,000 rupees (GBP £840).

‘Mass conversions’ and those involving foreign funding are punishable with seven to 14 years imprisonment and a minimum fine of 100,000 rupees, while punishments for cases involving threats, assault, human trafficking, or marriage as a pretext for conversion can extend to 20 years or life imprisonment, along with fines covering the victim’s medical and rehabilitation costs.

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Where justice fails: How cultures of impunity lead to forced displacement in India and Mexico

On 11 June the families and loved ones of Neelkant and Pushpa Verma gathered for what should have been a day of celebration. The young Christian couple were due to marry in Raipur in India’s Chhattisgarh State, no doubt filled with excitement at what should have been one of the happiest days of their lives, and all the joy to follow in the years to come. 

But this excitement was cut short when three villagers in in their early twenties stormed the wedding venue, cutting off the electricity supply and declaring that Christians were not allowed to hold celebrations in the village. When Neelkant’s family attempted to contact the electricity board, over 30 villagers gathered outside of the venue, vandalising guests’ vehicles and setting the building on fire.  

The mob proceeded to hurl abuse at the women and tear some of their sarees. When the women’s children tried to defend their mothers, they were pelted with stones and forced to seek refuge in a nearby house. Once the victims were inside, they called the police who arrived quickly and escorted them to safety, managing to disperse the attackers.  

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For religious minorities in India, even tragedies turn into trials

Once again a terror attack has left Muslims across India not just shaken like all other Indians, but also defending their very existence. Someone, somewhere, with a gun and an agenda, committed a horrific act — but it was their name, their identity and their faith that suddenly became suspect.

Twenty-six people were killed when terrorists attacked tourists in Pahalgam in Jammu and Kashmir on 22 April. The attackers reportedly singled out non-Muslims, even asking some to recite the Islamic Kalima (Islamic prayers derived from hadiths that are often used to aid South Asia Muslim children to memorise key beliefs) to prove their faith.

It was horrifying. And yet, in the midst of the horror, ordinary Kashmiris—Muslim men and women—risked their lives to save strangers. People like Nazakat Ahmad Shah, a tour guide, and Rayees Ahmad Bhatt, President of the Pony Owners’ Association, pulled survivors from danger. A local pony guide Syed Adil Hussain Shah gave his life while trying to protect a little girl. But instead of being praised for their efforts, the Muslim community, especially the Kashmiri Muslim community, was vilified. Their bravery was quickly forgotten, the national mood shifted from mourning to suspicion—and the blame – as it so often does in India – landed on an entire community.

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Truth matters: How misinformation and sensationalism undermines support for victims of human rights violations

In early March, alarming reports surfaced of the killing of Christians in Syria. As a shocking outbreak of violence claimed the lives of over 1,000 people within just two days, including 745 civilians, many outlets were quick to claim that the country’s Christian community had been the target. 

GB News led with ‘Christians massacred as Syrian jihadist launches killing spree just weeks after toppling Assad’; a writer for the Times of Israel lamented what he identified as the media’s ‘predictable’ disdain for Syrian Christians; the Christian outlet Relevant Magazine claimed that ‘hundreds of Christians’ were among those killed, and countless posts on social media amplified claims of Christians being deliberately targeted and murdered in large numbers. 

Such reporting appeared to confirm the worst fears that many have harboured since December 2024, when President Bashir al-Assad was ousted by a coalition of rebel groups led by the Islamist military organisation Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS), an organisation sanctioned by the US government. In the immediate aftermath of the takeover, many predominantly – though not exclusively – Christian outlets expressed understandable concern over impending threats to the country’s Christian community, with some warning of potential ‘ethnic cleansing’, ‘persecution’ and ‘genocide’. 

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‘Hope is resistance’: An interview with CSW’s India Researcher

CSW relies extensively on the documenters, journalists, experts and activists that gather first-hand evidence of violations of the right to freedom of religion or belief (FoRB) in the countries we work on.

Last month, our Advocacy Intern Anna Shannon spoke with CSW’s India Researcher, whose name has been withheld for security reasons, to discuss what her work entails, the state of FoRB in India, and where she sees hope for the future.

As CSW’s India Researcher, what does your work entail?

My work entails documenting and reporting on violations of religious freedom across India, particularly against Muslims and Christians. So, whenever there are any attacks or any instances of discrimination against Muslims or Christians, I speak to victims, eyewitnesses, sometimes the lawyers who are working on these cases and I write the report.

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