Bridging the gap: The importance of finding common ground between religious groups and secular human rights organisations 

Oppressive governments depend, in part, on two things: unity among those who support them and divisions within the communities that do not. One of the greatest challenges in addressing freedom of religion or belief (FoRB) in countries where that right is regularly violated is bridging divisions between different groups within the religious sector, as well as the gap that often exists between the religious sector and secular human rights and other independent civil society organisations. 

Religious groups often occupy a unique position within larger independent civil society. They are networked and organised, to different extents, with members who regularly attend and participate in their activities. They often possess a dedicated physical space, where they are able to hold their activities with minimal outside interference. Some religious groups will run outward focused activities, providing social services. In many cases, religious leaders not only hold a significant decree of influence within their respective community – they may also be perceived as moral adjudicators more widely even by people who do not share their religious beliefs.  

Oppressive regimes are sensitive to the danger posed to them by a socially engaged religious sector and outspoken religious leaders who are willing to work hand in hand with larger civil society in defending civil and political rights. Division, therefore, is deliberately encouraged and stoked, often by intelligence and security agencies, with the goal of neutralising or coopting organised independent civil society, including the religious sector.  

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Superando la brecha: La importancia de encontrar puntos en común entre los grupos religiosos y las organizaciones seculares de derechos humanos

Los gobiernos opresivos dependen, en parte, de dos factores: la unidad entre quienes los apoyan y las divisiones dentro de las comunidades que no las apoyan. Uno de los mayores desafíos para abordar la libertad de religión o creencias (LdRC) en países donde este derecho se viola con frecuencia, es superar las divisiones entre los diferentes grupos dentro del sector religioso, así como la brecha que a menudo existe entre el sector religioso y las organizaciones seculares de derechos humanos y otras organizaciones independientes de la sociedad civil. 

En general, los grupos religiosos suelen ocupar una posición única dentro de la sociedad civil independiente. Están interconectados y organizados, en distintos grados, con miembros que asisten y participan regularmente en sus actividades. Suelen contar con un espacio físico, donde pueden realizar sus actividades con mínima interferencia externa. Algunos grupos religiosos realizan actividades orientadas al exterior, prestando servicios sociales. En muchos casos, los líderes religiosos no solo ejercen una importante influencia dentro de su respectiva comunidad, sino que también pueden ser percibidos como jueces morales de forma más amplia, incluso por personas que no comparten sus creencias religiosas. 

Los regímenes opresores reconocen el peligro que representa el sector religioso comprometido socialmente y el de aquellos líderes religiosos que se oponen abiertamente al sistema, y que están dispuestos a colaborar estrechamente con la sociedad civil, para generar la defensa de los derechos civiles y políticos. Por lo tanto, las agencias de inteligencia y de seguridad del régimen, fomentan y avivan deliberadamente la división interna de los grupos religiosos, con el objetivo de neutralizar o cooptar a la sociedad civil independiente organizada. 

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根敦确吉尼玛失踪三十周年:敦促中国政府公开真相

1995年5月14日,达赖喇嘛公开宣布年仅六岁的根敦确吉尼玛为第十一世班禅喇嘛。

班禅喇嘛,或称“大智者”,在藏传佛教格鲁派中是仅次于达赖喇嘛的重要人物,拥有极高的宗教权威,负责认定下一世达赖喇嘛的转世灵童。

几个世纪以来,历代班禅喇嘛均在西藏第二大城市日喀则的扎什伦布寺居住并主持寺务,在藏传佛教学术发展中发挥着关键作用。

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‘Sorrow is a defeatist movement’: An interview with Sombath Somphone’s wife Ng Shui-Meng 

On the evening of 15 December 2012, Sombath Somphone, a leading democracy activist from Laos, was stopped at a police checkpoint on a busy street in the country’s capital Vientiane. Footage from a traffic CCTV camera shows that within minutes of him being stopped, unknown individuals forced him into another vehicle and drove him away in the presence of police officers. The footage also showed an unknown individual arriving and driving Somphone’s vehicle away from the city centre.  

Three years later, Somphone’s family obtained new CCTV footage from the same area and made it public. The video shows his car being driven back towards the city by another unknown individual. 

Somphone specialised in advocating for education of all Laotians, particularly in poor rural areas. He was perhaps the most prominent member of Laos’ small civil society: his work aimed at setting up a community-based development by incorporating the knowledge and opinion of rural people in the planning and management of development projects and programmes throughout the country.

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Thirty years since it disappeared Gedhun Choekyi Nyima, the Chinese government must be made to provide the truth about his whereabouts

On 14 May 1995 the Dalai Lama publicly announced the six-year-old Gedhun Choekyi Nyima as the 11th Panchen Lama.

Tasked with recognising the next Dalai Lama, the Panchen Lama, or ‘Great Scholar’, is one of the most important figures in the Gelug school of Tibetan Buddhism, with a spiritual authority second only to that of the Dalai Lama. For centuries, successive Panchem Lamas have lived in and led the influential Tashilhunpo Monastery in Tibet’s second largest city Shigatse, playing a key role in the development of Tibetan Buddhist scholarship.

Gedhun Choekyi Nyima

But Nyima has been denied this. Three days after he was recognised as the Panchen Lama, he and his family were abducted by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). Nyima became the world’s youngest political prisoner, and he has not been seen in public since.

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