A Christmas service in the Sacred Heart Cathedral in Lahore, Pakistan.

Celebrating in silence: The Christians in Pakistan under pressure this Christmas

Life is not easy for Christians in Pakistan. Many are economically marginalised, struggling to find work, at the mercy of those who wish to make life difficult for them. And they tend to experience an increase in adversity during periods of celebration.

This includes Christmas.

In some parts of Pakistan, Christians will be asked by their neighbours not to light their homes with decorations. Others who decide to invest in a tree may be asked to take them down by those who don’t want such symbols of Christianity in their community. Sometimes, neighbours will even forcibly remove decorations from the outside of Christian houses themselves.

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Graffiti in Colombia reads 'Viva el ejercito del pueblo FARC' i.e. 'Long live the army of the people, FARC'

Colombia debe finalmente enfrentarse al elemento religioso de su conflicto interno que lleva décadas

En Colombia la oscuridad llega rápidamente debido a su proximidad al ecuador, y no fue diferente el jueves 5 de julio de 2007.  Esa noche, Joel Cruz García, un pastor de 27 años, escuchó golpes en la puerta principal de la pequeña casa que compartía con su esposa Yuvy y su hija de nueve meses, en el pueblo de El Dorado en el departamento de Huila. Cuando el pastor abrió la puerta, se encontró con un grupo de individuos fuertemente armados y vestidos con el uniforme de la Brigada 17 de las Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia, mejor conocidas como las FARC, quienes le exigieron que los acompañara.

Al pastor no se le dio otra opción, y su esposa contó más tarde cómo, incluso cuando los guerrilleros lo maltrataban y le ridiculizaban por su fe, Joel les citó un versículo de la Biblia que decía: “Vivir es Cristo y morir es ganancia”.

“Bien”, respondieron los guerrilleros. “Entonces morirás”.

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A street with flags flying in Michoacán, Mexico.

Religious minorities in Michoacán, Mexico just wanted to be treated equally

Michoacán is a state located in central Mexico. This region of mountains and forests is inhabited by the P’urhépecha indigenous populations, whose language P’urhe is still spoken today and who are renowned for their fine work with the different types of wood found in the area. The P’urhépecha are concentrated in 22 municipalities across the breadth of the state.

Michoacán is also known for its natural beauty and the richness of its land and climate, making it a favourable place for the cultivation of different fruits exported internationally, including the avocado. Mexico is the largest producer worldwide of this precious product which has an annual economic impact of billions of dollars.

The P’urhépecha Plateau is home to around 70% of Mexico’s national avocado production. This has given rise to clashes in Michoacán between organized crime groups as they vie for control of the territory and avocado market. The situation has led, in turn, to the formation of community militias and self-defence groups who, fed up with the extortion and the abuses committed by the organized crime groups, have taken up arms to protect their lands. In some cases, however, these community militias and self-defence groups have also been involved in the violation of human rights.

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A street with flags flying in Michoacán, Mexico.

México: Las minorías religiosas en Michoacán solo desean ser tratadas con igualdad y respeto

Michoacán es un estado ubicado en el centro de México. Esta región de montañas y bosques está habitada por las poblaciones indígenas P’urhépecha, cuya lengua P’urhe aún se habla hoy en día y que son reconocidos por su fino trabajo y artesanías con los diferentes tipos de madera que se encuentran en la zona. Los p’urhépecha se concentran en 22 municipios a lo largo del estado. 1

Michoacán también es conocido por su belleza natural y la riqueza de su tierra y clima, lo que lo convierte en un lugar propicio para el cultivo de diferentes frutas que se exportan a nivel internacional, entre ellas el aguacate. México es el mayor productor a nivel mundial de este preciado producto que tiene un impacto económico anual de miles de millones de dólares.

La meseta de P’urhépecha alberga alrededor del 70% de la producción nacional de aguacate de México. Esto ha dado lugar a enfrentamientos en Michoacán entre grupos del crimen organizado que se disputan el control del territorio y el mercado del aguacate. La situación ha provocado, a su vez, la formación de milicias comunitarias y grupos de autodefensa que, hartos de la extorsión y los abusos cometidos por los grupos del crimen organizado, han tomado las armas para proteger sus tierras. En algunos casos, sin embargo, estas milicias comunitarias y grupos de autodefensa también han estado involucrados en la violación de los derechos humanos.

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Fang Bin with his wife and son in an undated photo.

A family shattered for 24 years – the story of Falun Gong activist Fang Bin

Crowded hospital halls, frantic doctors and nurses in protective suits, patients lying in the corridors, body bags piled up in a funeral van outside a hospital… In early February 2020, 57-year-old businessman Fang Bin drove around Wuhan and documented what he saw in five hospitals. The short videos he posted on social media gave a rare glimpse into what was happening in the epicentre of the pandemic under lockdown.

Mr Fang was detained by police briefly on 1 February 2020. In the next few days, he became more outspoken. Videos were widely shared on social media in which he commented that ‘tyranny lies at the root of this virus’. Then, on 9 February 2020, he vanished after calling ‘all citizens to resist’ tyranny and the government to ‘return the power to the people’ on YouTube, a platform banned in China.

The disappearances of Fang Bin, Zhang Zhan and at least two other citizen journalists drew the attention of world media. Although Mr Fang and his wife are known to the authorities as veteran Falun Gong activists, people who are familiar with him hesitated in mentioning his faith background when calling for his release. They may have been conscious of the social stigma attached to this belief group in China, or feared that he might be jailed not for his online speech but for his faith, or even that he might face mistreatment for it in police custody.

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