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India’s ‘freedom of religion’ laws have nothing to do with preventing forced conversions

On 20 August India’s Uttarakhand state government introduced significant amendments to its controversial anti-conversion law. Building on the original 2018 legislation and an initial round of amendments made in 2022, the Freedom of Religion and Prohibition of Unlawful Conversion (Amendment) Bill, 2025, imposes harsher punishments on a range of offences.

Individuals convicted of using allurement, misrepresentation or fraud to induce conversion now face anywhere from three to ten years in prison and a minimum fine of 50,000 rupees (approximately GBP £420). If the case involves a minor, a woman, a person with a disability, or a member of a Scheduled Caste or Scheduled Tribe, these penalties are increased to five to 14 years in prison and a fine of at least 100,000 rupees (GBP £840).

‘Mass conversions’ and those involving foreign funding are punishable with seven to 14 years imprisonment and a minimum fine of 100,000 rupees, while punishments for cases involving threats, assault, human trafficking, or marriage as a pretext for conversion can extend to 20 years or life imprisonment, along with fines covering the victim’s medical and rehabilitation costs.

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Bridging the gap: The importance of finding common ground between religious groups and secular human rights organisations 

Oppressive governments depend, in part, on two things: unity among those who support them and divisions within the communities that do not. One of the greatest challenges in addressing freedom of religion or belief (FoRB) in countries where that right is regularly violated is bridging divisions between different groups within the religious sector, as well as the gap that often exists between the religious sector and secular human rights and other independent civil society organisations. 

Religious groups often occupy a unique position within larger independent civil society. They are networked and organised, to different extents, with members who regularly attend and participate in their activities. They often possess a dedicated physical space, where they are able to hold their activities with minimal outside interference. Some religious groups will run outward focused activities, providing social services. In many cases, religious leaders not only hold a significant decree of influence within their respective community – they may also be perceived as moral adjudicators more widely even by people who do not share their religious beliefs.  

Oppressive regimes are sensitive to the danger posed to them by a socially engaged religious sector and outspoken religious leaders who are willing to work hand in hand with larger civil society in defending civil and political rights. Division, therefore, is deliberately encouraged and stoked, often by intelligence and security agencies, with the goal of neutralising or coopting organised independent civil society, including the religious sector.  

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Superando la brecha: La importancia de encontrar puntos en común entre los grupos religiosos y las organizaciones seculares de derechos humanos

Los gobiernos opresivos dependen, en parte, de dos factores: la unidad entre quienes los apoyan y las divisiones dentro de las comunidades que no las apoyan. Uno de los mayores desafíos para abordar la libertad de religión o creencias (LdRC) en países donde este derecho se viola con frecuencia, es superar las divisiones entre los diferentes grupos dentro del sector religioso, así como la brecha que a menudo existe entre el sector religioso y las organizaciones seculares de derechos humanos y otras organizaciones independientes de la sociedad civil. 

En general, los grupos religiosos suelen ocupar una posición única dentro de la sociedad civil independiente. Están interconectados y organizados, en distintos grados, con miembros que asisten y participan regularmente en sus actividades. Suelen contar con un espacio físico, donde pueden realizar sus actividades con mínima interferencia externa. Algunos grupos religiosos realizan actividades orientadas al exterior, prestando servicios sociales. En muchos casos, los líderes religiosos no solo ejercen una importante influencia dentro de su respectiva comunidad, sino que también pueden ser percibidos como jueces morales de forma más amplia, incluso por personas que no comparten sus creencias religiosas. 

Los regímenes opresores reconocen el peligro que representa el sector religioso comprometido socialmente y el de aquellos líderes religiosos que se oponen abiertamente al sistema, y que están dispuestos a colaborar estrechamente con la sociedad civil, para generar la defensa de los derechos civiles y políticos. Por lo tanto, las agencias de inteligencia y de seguridad del régimen, fomentan y avivan deliberadamente la división interna de los grupos religiosos, con el objetivo de neutralizar o cooptar a la sociedad civil independiente organizada. 

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Crucial Response: The Significance of Information Inflow into North Korea

By Ju Il-Lyong (North Korean Defector & Chair of Tong-il Majoong (TIMJ), a non-profit organisation dedicated to North Korean human rights and evangelisation).

Have you ever considered how a fragile chick comes into the world? When a fertilised egg is kept at the right temperature, it begins to develop quietly under the hen’s warmth. After about three weeks, the moment of hatching arrives. From inside the shell, the tiny creature starts to gently tap with its beak. But for the chick to break free and be born into life, something more is needed: the mother hen must hear that subtle sound and respond from the outside, pecking the shell in unison. Only through this simultaneous action—inside and out—can life emerge.

In many ways, this mirrors the journey of the North Korean people in their pursuit of freedom—freedom that is their inherent right. For nearly 80 years, they have lived under the iron grip of the Kim dynasty, isolated from the world by a regime-built shell of fear, deception and control. To the outside world, their voices have been muted, heard only faintly through the distorted lens of state propaganda.

And yet, while the world has not always seen it, something remarkable has been happening within. The North Korean people, through their own quiet resilience, have created spaces of resistance—building grassroots markets within a planned economy, shifting the economic balance from state to citizen. In some instances, the state has even been forced to apologise for failing these very people.

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Combating Hate Speech: The True Beginning of Peace and Human Dignity

This article by Ján Figeľ  and Sheikh Al Mafoudh bin Bayyah was originally published by The Diplomat Magazine on 30 July 2025.

‘Peace is built in the heart.’ Pope Leo XIV
‘War begins with words.’ – Sheikh Abdallah bin Bayyah

In an age marked by overlapping crises – from armed conflicts and ideological extremism to ethical breakdowns in public discourse – a need to return to the essence of words and their meaning is more urgent than ever. Words are not mere tools of expression; they are often sparks that ignite or extinguish fires. This is precisely what Sheikh Abdallah bin Bayyah, President of The Abu Dhabi Forum for Peace, warns of in his profound message: ‘War begins with words.’

With this statement he encapsulates an entire philosophy: that every physical war is preceded by a war of words, and every act of violence is rooted in a prior act of verbal aggression. Unless speech is restrained, purified of hatred, and founded on mutual respect, the path to peace will never begin.

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