The case for EU sanctions on Sudan’s military leaders

With over 14 million people displaced, the world’s largest humanitarian crisis is currently taking place in Sudan. Abdel Fattah al-Burhan (“Burhan”), leader of the Sudan Armed Forces (SAF, i.e. the national army); and Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo (“Hemedti”), leader of the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) militia, have vested interests in the continuation of conflict, and were this larger one to settle, there would likely be other domestic conflicts with armed groups in Darfur, South Kordofan and Blue Nile which have not taken a side in this war. Additionally, the current conflict has seen the formation of a coalition of militias that have joined with either the SAF or RSF.  

The international community must therefore seek concertedly to secure a lasting ceasefire, and to bring an end to this war in such a way that neither Burhan nor Hemedti is in a position to play a role in the country’s future governance. There have been moments in recent history when the international community has fallen for compromises that appeared to offer  stability in the short-term, for example the civilian-led transitional government that gave both Burhan and Hemedti prominent positions in a power sharing Sovereign Council following the ouster of President Omar al-Bashir in 2019, only for their October 2021 coup to remove civilian leaders and effectively install a military-controlled government, which has been in place since then. The only path toward a viable and stable future for Sudan is through an unencumbered civilian leadership. 

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Where are they? Carmen María Sáenz Martínez and Lesbia del Socorro Gutiérrez Poveda are prisoners of a regime solely interested in its own survival

At 6am on 10 August 2024, fifteen police officers wearing ski masks and carrying AK-47s arrested 49-year-old Carmen María Sáenz Martínez at her home in Lomas de Santo Tomas in Matagalpa City, Nicaragua.

Two hours later police in two patrol cars detained Carmen’s colleague Lesbia del Socorro Gutiérrez Poveda, age 58, at the Guadalupana Farm in Samulali in the San Ramón Municipality.

Both women worked with the Roman Catholic Diocese of Matagalpa, formerly led by the now exiled Bishop Rolando José Álvarez Lagos, who spent nearly a year and a half in prison before he was expelled to the Vatican in January 2024. Lesbia had worked with the diocese’s rural and urban credit project since 2006, and Carmen as a justice promoter in marriage annulment cases since 2018.

Their families have not heard from them since.

Continue reading “Where are they? Carmen María Sáenz Martínez and Lesbia del Socorro Gutiérrez Poveda are prisoners of a regime solely interested in its own survival”

¿Dónde están? Carmen María Sáenz Martínez y Lesbia del Socorro Gutiérrez Poveda son prisioneras de un régimen que solo busca su propia supervivencia

A las 6 de la mañana del 10 de agosto de 2024, quince agentes de policía con pasamontañas portando rifles AK-47 arrestaron a Carmen María Sáenz Martínez, de 49 años, en su casa en Lomas de Santo Tomás en la ciudad de Matagalpa, Nicaragua. 

Dos horas después, la policía en dos patrullas detuvo a la colega de Carmen, Lesbia del Socorro Gutiérrez Poveda, de 58 años, en la Finca Guadalupana en Samulalí en el Municipio de San Ramón. 

Ambas mujeres trabajaban con la Diócesis Católica Romana de Matagalpa, anteriormente dirigida por el ahora exiliado obispo Rolando José Álvarez Lagos, quien pasó casi un año y medio en prisión antes de ser expulsado del país hacia al Vaticano en enero de 2024. Lesbia había trabajado con el proyecto de crédito rural y urbano de la diócesis desde 2006, y Carmen como promotora de justicia en casos de anulación de matrimonios, desde 2018. 

Desde los arrestos, sus familias no han sabido nada de ellas.  

Continue reading “¿Dónde están? Carmen María Sáenz Martínez y Lesbia del Socorro Gutiérrez Poveda son prisioneras de un régimen que solo busca su propia supervivencia”
UK Parliament

Now the UK has a new Special Envoy, what does that mean for freedom of religion or belief?

After the new Labour government took office in July, one of CSW’s key priorities was ensuring the appointment of a Special Envoy for Freedom of Religion or Belief (FoRB). Without this role, the UK’s ability to advocate effectively for FoRB globally would have been severely impeded. The position was left vacant for months, raising concerns among civil society organisations, religious and belief groups, and parliamentarians committed to this fundamental human right. 

Finally, on 11 December, David Smith MP was appointed as the Special Envoy for FoRB — a significant shift, as the post is no longer ‘The Prime Minister’s’ Special Envoy, but a Special Envoy for FoRB in its own right. This distinction matters. It signals a potential recalibration of the role, embedding it more firmly within broader UK governmental structures while maintaining its critical focus on international religious freedom, although perhaps at the cost of the direct access to the Prime Minister enjoyed by previous Special Envoys. 

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CHN Tongxin Great Mosque in Wuzhong, Ningxia Hui Autonomous Region. FREE TO USE

When the facts and the law don’t matter, a guilty verdict is only a matter of time

‘There has been a powerful hand behind the scenes interfering and manipulating the trial of my case.’

– A quote from Ma Yanhu’s appeal letter, seen by CSW

For two decades, Ma Yanhu worked as a tour organiser for hundreds of Chinese Muslims looking to make the Hajj pilgrimage to the Islamic holy city of Mecca in Saudi Arabia.

Based in the Ningxia Hui Autonomous Region in north-central China, and originally trained as an Islamic theologian, Ma’s work involved booking flights, arranging essential travel documents, and even leading private tour groups to the city until the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) prohibited it.

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